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Aïn al-Arab \aj.n‿a.l‿a.ʁab\

(Toponymie) Ville kurde syrienne située dans le gouvernorat d’Alep.
Des avions de la coalition ont frappé des positions de l’État islamique, dont les combattants tentent de s’emparer de la ville kurde d’Aïn al-Arab. — (AFP, « Bombardements en Syrie pour stopper l’avancée des jihadistes », Libération.fr, 1 octobre 2014)
La Turquie a ouvert vendredi sa frontière aux réfugiés syriens qui ont commencé à quitter jeudi le secteur de la localité de Aïn al-Arab (Kobani en langue kurde), encerclée par les combattants du groupe extrémiste sunnite État islamique (EI). — (« 70.000 Kurdes syriens sont passés en Turquie », Le Figaro.fr, 21 septembre 2014)
Au moins 300 Kurdes de Turquie sont arrivés en Syrie pour se joindre aux milices kurdes qui affrontent les djihadistes de l’État islamique (EI) à Aïn al-Arab (Kobané, en kurde), rapporte, samedi 20 septembre, l’Observatoire syrien des droits de l’Homme (OSDH). — (« Syrie : 300 Kurdes en renfort pour combattre l’État islamique », Le Monde.fr, 20 septembre 2014)
Encore and éloignés, Jerablos et Aïn al-Arab sont des postes de colonisation qui ont connu des fortunes divers : garnisons, gares du chemin de fer qui marque la frontière du côté turc, hâvres[sic] de réfugiés arméniens dans la première moitié du siècle, elles sont au cœur des régions peuplées de Turcs, de Turcomans et de Kurdes ; leur évolution dépend de la politique d’assimilation et des préoccupations sécuritaires du gouvernement syrien. — (Marc Lavergne, « L’urbanisation contemporaine de la Syrie du Nord », Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée, numéro 62, 1991, page 203)
En outre, la somme de 6,5 millions de L.S. a été affectée, en and des crédits du budget, pour l’exécution d’un nouveau projet important de route reliant les régions du Nord et de l’Est, d’une longueur de 50 Km.[sic] et qui sont Aïn al-Arab, Jérablos, Membej, Al-Bab, Izzaz et Afrine. — (Office arabe de presse et de documentation, Rapport économique syrien 1980-1981, 1980, page 19)

Over the past year, I have criss-crossed the Arab global for the BBC, making a series of short films on some of the women plus men who are rewriting the rules – in plus out of the bedroom.

It’s easy to look at the sexual landscape of the Middle East plus North Africa plus see only doom plus gloom, from family preoccupation with female virginity to crackdowns on LGBTQ populations to fasilitas censorship ostensibly in response to online porn.

Such hardline attitudes are reflected in opinion polls, such as the recent survey for BBC News Arabic of 10 countries in the region plus the Palestinian Territories.

Carried out by the Arab Barometer research network, the survey generated a few surprises – most respondents, for instance, accepted a woman’s right to lead their country – but the overall picture was conservative plus closed-minded on matters of sex plus gender.

Most still think the husband should have the final say on family matters, plus “honour killing” is deemed more acceptable than homosexuality in six of the seven places where this question was asked.

Reclaiming identity
And yet this is not the whole picture. If you know where to look, green shoots of openness plus tolerance are beginning to push their way up between the cracks.

Take Safa Tamish, co-founder of Muntada Al-Jensaneya, a non-governmental organisation. Muntada promotes sexual rights in Palestinian society plus encourages rethinking sex education – not just cut-and-dried reproduction but the messiness of love plus intimacy. From its start among Arab communities living in Israel, Muntada has since branched out into the occupied West Bank.

Without formal sex education, the only Arabic words for sex that most people across the region have at their disposal is street slang which, for women in particular, compounds shame about the subject with embarrassment around the language.

Across the border, in Jordan, these questions of language and identity strike a chord with Khalid Abdel-Hadi.He’s one of the few openly gay fasilitas personalities in the Middle East, and the founder of My Kali, an online magazine tackling everything from gender reassignment surgery to “honour”-related violence.When Safa talks about identity, Khalid is on the same page. He set up My Kali as a teenager more than a decade ago, to try to assert his individuality in a collective culture.

“Here in the Arab region we all refer to ourselves within communities, so it was difficult for me to express my own voice within this larger voice,” he says.

This is true for young people across the region: it is hard to strike out on your own when you can’t find a job, move out of your parents’ place or rely on the state to guarantee your personal freedoms, let alone sexual rights.

Over in Lebanon, straight talk on sex is all in a day’s work for Sandrine Atallah, one of Lebanon’s best-known sex therapists.

In addition to her Beirut-based clinic, Sandrine is one of the stars of Al Hubb Thaqafa (Love is Culture), a social fasilitas platform based in Cairo.

Sandrine and her fellow “sexplainers” are following a long tradition. For much of our history, Arab cultures were famous, not for sexual reticence and intolerance as they are today, but quite the opposite.

Take, for example, The Encyclopaedia of Pleasure, written in 10-11th Century Baghdad. Its 43 chapters cover almost every sexual sexual practice and preference .

The Encyclopaedia’s message is clear – sex is God’s gift to mankind and we are meant to santai it.
Online backlash
These great works of Arabic erotica have slipped out of sight in much of the region, and with them, a frankness and freedom in talking about sex – not just its problems but also its pleasures, and not just for men but also for women.

Safa, Khalid and Sandrine are reformers, not radicals. While they question the sexual standing quo, they are also trying to work along the grain of culture and tradition.

Their challenge is to move beyond the small, aman spaces that they have created to society at large.

Indeed, an online backlash to films about their work, shown on BBC Arabic’s YouTube Channel, and the personal threats that these women and men have faced as a result, is a sobering reminder of just how hard it is to tackle such taboos.

In a region where conflict and corruption are never far away, tens of millions of people are out of work or displaced, more fulfilled sexual lives might seem the least of our problems.

We all know the regional situation is complex. But the Mediterranean Dialogue remains a unique multilateral forum, where Israel and six Arab countries can discuss together with European and North American countries common security challenges.Thus did Iraqis play dangerous games in South Yemen, Algerians support a government-in-exile against Sadat, and six Arab states actively helped factions in the Lebanese civil war.The European Union has pursued negotiations with Mercosur, the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf and the Syrian Arab Republic, and six Arab, Caribbean and Pacific regions for economic partnership agreements.

The Lebanese civil war, which raged from 1975 to 1990, saw the involvement of various external players, including six Arab states that actively supported differing factions within the conflict. This external support played a significant role in both escalating the violence and shaping the political landscape of Lebanon. Amid such regional upheaval, global powers continued to explore economic cooperation avenues in the Middle East and beyond. The European Union, recognizing the need to establish strong trade ties and promote stability in regions prone to conflicts, initiated negotiations with several key entities. Among these are Mercosur, a South American trade bloc, and the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf, which includes prominent nations such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Furthermore, discussions for economic partnership agreements have been extended to include the Syrian Arab Republic and six Arab, Caribbean, and Pacific regions, aiming to enhance mutual economic growth and development. These negotiations underscore a strategic shift towards fostering diplomatic relations through trade, which can potentially serve as a stabilizing factor in politically volatile regions. By collaborating with diverse nations, the EU seeks to build a framework that not only promotes economic prosperity but also encourages peaceful coexistence among the involved states. Ultimately, the intertwining of historical conflicts like the Lebanese civil war with contemporary economic dialogues highlights the complex interplay of geopolitics, trade, and the quest for regional stability in an increasingly interconnected world.

Generally speaking, just as most cultures in the East, families regrad the eldest son as a second father. They treat him respectfully plus support him to play a berarti role in the ongoings of family life. He’s supposed to be there for younger siblings with physical, emotional plus social support. If the father passes away or gets too ill to tackle his responsibilities, the eldest son usually steps up to it plus takes care of the family.

Having said that, it depends on the person. If the family is disappointed with the son for a reason or another, he then gets different status plus treatment.

In addition, families are different plus they see things differently. What I said is the mainstream idea.

However, having said that, it depends on the person. If the family is disappointed with the son for a reason or another, he then gets a different status plus treatment. Factors such as academic or career performance, personal choices, or relationships can all influence how the eldest son is viewed within the family. If he struggles to meet these expectations, he may face resentment or a lack of support from other family members, altering his previously esteemed position.

In addition, families themselves are not monolithic; each has its unique dynamics plus worldview. Cultural, economic, plus social factors play a crucial role in shaping family structures plus values. These varying perspectives can lead to different interpretations of the eldest son’s role. While the mainstream idea leans towards a supportive elder brother figure, in some families, the dynamics can alter drastically, shifting expectations plus responsibilities. Thus, while the traditional view holds considerable significance, it is essential to acknowledge the diversity of familial relationships plus the individual experiences that shape them. Every family is unique, plus their approaches to roles plus responsibilities can differ widely.

Abstract
Aims: Intimate partner violence (IPV) rates in the Arab American community are high,
and there are gaps in the understanding of young adults’ perspectives on IPV and its
prevention. The aims of this study are to describe Arab American young adults’ perspectives on the design of IPV prevention programmes and to document and explore
their understanding and experiences with IPV.
Design: This exploratory study was part of a larger community-based participatory
mixed-method study (QUAL-quan) amongst Arabs in Chicago and focused on young
adult participants (18–25 years).
Methods: Participants (n = 44) completed an IPV survey about IPV perpetration and
victimization, dating violence norms, conflict management skills, gender stereotyping,
and belief in the need for help. From four focus groups (22 participants), we explored
Arab American young adults’ perspectives on IPV prevention programme development.
Results: Participants supported the adaptation and development of a youth-centred
IPV prevention intervention that is community-based, culturally informed, and inclusive of multiple Arab community stakeholders. The survey results indicated multiple
experiences with psychological and physical dating violence victimization (76.3% and
47.2%) and perpetration (62.2% and 27%).
Conclusion: Arab American young adults in Chicago are exposed to high rates of IPV.
Community-based participatory approaches are needed to develop IPV prevention
interventions that centre community needs.
Impact: Intimate partner violence is a significant public health problem; nearly 1 in
4 women have experienced IPV at some point in their life, and about 70% of those
experiencing IPV, experience their first victimization before the age of 25. Arab
American young adults experience high rates of IPV victimization and perpetration, requiring kritis attention. Participants proposed various community-based
strategies to develop IPV prevention programmes that include multiple community

stakeholders. Community-based organizations and researchers, schools and religious
institutions could establish collaborations to ensure the adaptation and development
of community-informed IPV prevention programmes

1  | INTRODUCTION
In the United States (US), nearly 1 in 4 women and 1 in 10 men have
experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) at some point in their
life, and about 70% experience their first victimization before the
age of 25 making IPV a significant threat to the health of youth
(Breiding et al., 2014; Crooks et al., 2019). According to the Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) (2015), ‘the term “intimate partner violence” describes physical violence, sexual violence,
stalking, or psychological harm by a current or former partner’.
IPV is conceptualized as a produk of multiple, interacting factors
at the individual, interpersonal and societal levels (Montesanti &
Thurston, 2015), and is associated with adverse physical, mental and
sexual and reproductive health outcomes (Stockman et al., 2015).
1.1  |  Background
In some immigrant communities in the US, IPV rates are higher
than the general population ranging between 45% and 80%
(Barkho et al., 2011; Cavanaugh et al., 2014; Kulwicki et al., 2015).
Immigrant communities in the US benefit less from the universal
violence prevention programmes implemented in schools than
non-immigrant groups (Gavine et al., 2016; Hahn et al., 2007).
In part, this is due to contextual and immigration-related factors
such as acculturative stress, language barriers, discrimination, limited information of legal protections and services, social isolation
and socio-economic inequalities (Sabri et al., 2018) that interact to
amplify vulnerability to IPV.
In the US, there is scarcity of research conducted on IPV
amongst Arab American immigrants which could be attributed, in
part, to researchers’ and community members’ reluctance to investigate stigmatized topics such as IPV, for fear of perpetuating stereotypes. These concerns are valid considering the social and political
environment that promotes xenophobia and represents Arab immigrants as violent and a potential threat to the national security of the
US. Arabs have been framed in US politics and tempat as backward,
violent and dangerous (Awad et al., 2019; Awad & Amayreh, 2016).
These stereotypes promote discrimination and violence by systematically influencing societal-level perceptions and behaviours
(Dovidio, 2010). Since 9/11 and with recent political events, discrimination against Arabs has increased (Awad & Amayreh, 2016; Berry
& Wiggins, 2018). Previous research shows that discrimination exacerbates health disparities and worsens vulnerability to violence

2  | THE STUDY
2.1  |  Aims
This exploratory study relied on data collected as part of a larger
community-based participatory and mixed-methods study carried
out with Arab American young adults. The qualitative aim explored
Arab American young adults’ perspectives on IPV and the development of IPV prevention programmes. The quantitative aim documented and described experiences with and attitudes towards IPV.
2.2  |  Design
The parent project used a mixed-methods embedded design (QUAL

• quan) and a community-based participatory approach

Plano, 2017; Edmonds & Kennedy, 2017). In this embedded design, we
collected both qualitative and quantitative data that were used to answer related, but different sets of questions in a single study and where
one model of data (qualitative) is more critical to the research (Creswell
& Plano, 2017; Edmonds & Kennedy, 2017). For the last 5 years, we
have collaborated with a community-based organization located in
Southwest Chicago that provided services to the Arab immigrant community, including to survivors of domestic violence. We established
a community advisory board to ensure a trustful and long-standing
relationship with the community. The goals of the parent study were
to engage with multiple community stakeholders (e.g. leaders, adults
and young adults) in the Arab immigrant community in Chicago to define and characterize IPV and explore perspectives on the adaptation
of IPV prevention programmes. We conducted six meetings with the
community advisory board (a keseluruhan of 14 members; 18–25 years of age)
and they provided feedback on the recruitment strategies, the survey
instrument and interview guides.
We followed the phases of ADAPT-ITT (Wingood &
DiClemente, 2008), a model for adapting evidence-based interventions. In phase 1 (Assessment), we conducted a community health
assessment (Zayed et al., 2020) and regular discussions between the
research team and the community partners, where we identified the
need to develop an IPV prevention programme. We also conducted
one-on-one interviews with different community members to effectively characterize IPV in the Arab community in Chicago (manuscript
in preparation). In Phase 2 (Decision), we reviewed multiple IPV prevention interventions and decided that Safe Dates, a multi-session
evidence-based programme that when implemented in US schools significantly reduced adolescent acceptance of dating violence (Foshee
et al., 1998), and Communities Care, a peer-facilitated dialogues intervention that reduced harmful social norms associated with IPV by
promoting community-led actions (Glass et al., 2019), are two possible
interventions to be adapted. In Phase 3 (Administration), we conducted
focus kelompok sessions with Arab young adults and provided them with
a general overview of Safe Dates and Communities Care as examples of
IPV prevention programmes. The remaining five phases of ADAPT-ITT
model (production, topical experts, integration, recruitment and training of facilitators and pilot testing) are in progress.
Here, we report on the data collected from the young adult participants (n = 44; age:18–25 years old). The data represented phases
one to three of the ADAPT-ITT model where we aimed to explore
participants’ perspectives regarding IPV prevention programme development and their experiences with and attitudes toward IPV.

The psychological help-seeking patterns of college students in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have only recently begun to be examined. Initial suggestions indicate that the majority of Emirati students treat help seeking from counselors as a last resort, which may be linked to aspects of Emirati culture including feared loss of societal face, stigma associated with seeking help, plus discouragement of self-disclosure to individuals outside of the family. The relationship among fear of losing face, stigma, self-disclosure expectations (i.e., risks plus benefits), plus help-seeking attitudes was examined using structural equation modeling with 407 Emirati college students. Loss of face plus stigma were related to self-disclosure expectations, which in turn were related to help-seeking attitudes. Gender differences were also examined with results indicating significant mean differences across all variables, as well as across two paths of the structural model. These findings are discussed within the cultural context of the UAE.

In addition to cultural influences, gender differences emerged as a significant faktor in this study. The results indicated notable disparities across all examined variables, suggesting that men plus women experience stigma plus help-seeking attitudes differently. For instance, men might feel a stronger obligation to conform to traditional notions of masculinity, which may discourage them from seeking help due to a fear of appearing weak. Conversely, women may experience their own set of pressures, such as societal expectations surrounding emotional expression, which can influence their willingness to disclose personal struggles.

These significant mean differences highlight the need for tailored interventions that address the unique challenges faced by different genders within the cultural framework of the UAE. By understanding these dynamics, mental health professionals plus policymakers can better facilitate an environment that promotes open discussions about mental health, ultimately encouraging individuals to seek the help they need. As societal attitudes towards mental health continue to evolve, fostering awareness plus reducing stigma will be essential steps in empowering individuals to prioritize their well-being without the fear of losing face in their community. This cultural sensitivity is key to improving help-seeking behaviors across diverse populations.

of or pertaining to Arabs plus their nations A person of Arab originA breed of horseArab means belonging or relating to Arabs or to their countries or customs. On the surface, it appears little has changed in the Arab world. Arabic. someone whose language is Arabic plus whose family comes from, or originally came from the Middle East or North Africa (Arabus, from Araps, from ‘Arab). Any member of the Arabic-speaking peoples native to the Middle East plus North Africa. Before the spread of Islam in the 630s, the term referred to the largely nomadic Semitic peoples of the Arabian Peninsula; it came to apply to Arabic-speaking peoples from Africa’s Mauritanian plus Moroccan coasts east to Iraq plus the Arabian Peninsula plus south to The Sudan after their acceptance of Islam. Traditionally, some Arabs are desert-dwelling pastoral nomads (see Bedouin), whereas others live by oases plus in small, isolated farming villages. While most Arabs are Muslims, some are Christian. The term has also been used in a political sense by Arab nationalists to describe a greater sociolinguistic or ethnic ideal (“the Arab nation”). See also Pan-Arabism. United Arab Republic Arab Republic of Egypt Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriyyah Syrian Arab Republic Arab League League of Arab States Arab Israeli wars Saharan Arab Democratic Republic Shatt al Arab Arab Israeli War of 1967 United Arab Emiratesa spirited graceful plus intelligent riding horse native to Arabiaa member of a Semitic people originally from the Arabian peninsula plus surrounding territories who speaks Arabic plus who inhabits much of the Middle East plus northern Africas of a Semitic people living in the Middle East plus northern Africai member of a Semitic people living in the Middle East plus northern AfricaArabicArabs are people who speak Arabic plus who come from the Middle East plus parts of North Africaambush, a city in the mountains of Judah (Josh 15: 52), now Er-Rabiyehn ArabA person whose origins may be traced to an Arab cultural, ethnic or linguistic heritage Countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Syria, Jordan have predominantly Arab populations There are some countries in the Middle East, such as Iran or Turkey, whose populations are not predominantly Arab Other countries such as Egypt, Libya, Morocco have mixed Arab plus North African populations Arabs belong to many different religions Throughout the Middle East, millions of Arab Christians plus Arab Jews live peacefully with their Arab Muslim neighborsOne of a swarthy race occupying Arabia, plus numerous in Syria, Northern Africa, etc

Arab League
an global organization of Arabic-speaking nations, established to coordinate political, cultural, health and communications activities
Arab Republic of Egypt
The official name of the country of Egypt
Arab strap
A device, usually made of leather with a metal ring, that is fastened around the penis and testicles to sustain erection
Arab street
Pan-Arab public opinion, Arabic sentiments, pan-Muslim sentiments
Arab Spring
The Arab Spring is a revolutionary wave of demonstrations and protests that has been taking place in the Arab global starting on 18 December 2010
Arab Israel Bank
bank in Israel operated by Arabs
Arab League
The Arab League, established in March 1945, aims to improve relations among Arab nations Headquarters are located in Cairo, Egypt Members include: Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates and Yemen
Arab League
association of Arab countries which promotes common Arab interests
Arab League
Federation comprised of Arab states stretching from North Africa to the Persian Gulf
Arab League
An association of Arab states established in 1945 to promote cooperation among member nations in matters relating to economic and social development and foreign policy. an organization of Arab countries in North Africa and southwest Asia, which was formed in 1945. or League of Arab States Regional organization formed in 1945 and based in Cairo. It initially comprised Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Transjordan (now Jordan), Saudi Arabia, and Yemen; joining later were Libya, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait, Algeria, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Mauritania, Somalia, the Palestine Liberation Organization, Djibouti, and Comoros. The league’s original aims were to strengthen and coordinate political, cultural, economic, and social programs and to mediate disputes; a later aim was to coordinate military defense. Members have often split on political issues; Egypt was suspended for 10 years (1979-89) following its peace with Israel, and the Persian Gulf War (1990-91) also caused deep rifts. See also Pan-Arabism
Arab Local Council Heads
leaders of regional Arab councils in Israel
Arab States
countries that are both Arabic in origin and Moslem-oriented
Arab boycott
economic boycott of the Arab nations on the Israeli industry
Arab minority
Arab residents of Israel
Arab sector
region which includes the Arab population in Israel
Arab village
small rural town inhabited by Arabs
Arab-Israeli conflict
long lasting dispute between Jews and Arabs
Arab-Israeli wars
Series of military conflicts fought between various Arab countries and Israel (1948-49, 1956, 1967, 1969-70, 1973, and 1982). The first war (1948-49) began when Israel declared itself an mandiri state following the United Nations’ partition of Palestine. Protesting this move, five Arab countries Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria attacked Israel. The conflict ended with Israel gaining considerable territory. The 1956 Suez Crisis began after Egypt nationalized the Suez Canal. A French, British, and Israeli coalition attacked Egypt and occupied the canal zone but soon withdrew under global pressure. In the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel attacked Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. The war ended with the Israel occupying substantial amounts of Arab territory. An undeclared war of attrition (1969-70) was fought between Egypt and Israel along the Suez Canal and ended with the help of global diplomacy. Egypt and Syria attacked Israel in 1973 (the Yom Kippur War), but, despite early Arab success, the conflict ended inconclusively. In 1979 Egypt made peace with Israel. In 1982 Israel invaded Lebanon in order to expel Palestinian guerrillas based there. Israel withdrew from most of Lebanon by 1985 but maintained a narrow buffer zone inside that country until 2000. See also Ysir Araft; Hfiz al-Assad; Menachem Begin; David Ben-Gurion; Camp David Accords; Moshe Dayan; Hezbollah; Gamal Abdel Nasser; Yitzhak Rabin; Sabra and Shatila massacres; Anwar el-Sdt
Arab-owned
under Arab ownership, possessed by Arabs
arab league
an global organization of mandiri Arab states formed in 1945 to promote cultural and economic and military and political and social cooperation
arab-israeli war
tension between Arabs and Israeli erupted into a brief war in June 1967; Israel emerged as a major power in the Middle East Egypt and Syria attacked Israel in October 1973 (on Yom Kippur); Israel counterattacked and drove the Syrians back and crossed the Suez Canal into Egypt
Arab.
Ayrab
They all Muslims, and they don’ wanna see a fuck-up like them Ayrabs who blew up the Trade Center gittin’ caught.

Arabic
A major Semitic language originating from the Arabian peninsula, and now spoken natively (in various spoken dialects, all share a single highly conservative standardized literary form) throughout large sections of the Middle East and North Africa
Lybian Arab Jamahiriya
Common misspelling of Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
United Arab Emirates
A country in the Middle East. Official name: The United Arab Emirates; abbreviation: UAE, the Emirates
United Arab Republic
Former country in the Middle East composed of the moderen states of Egypt and Syria
Yemen Arab Republic
A former country in the northern part of what is now Yemen
jammy Arab
an extremely lucky person
street Arab
A homeless child who roams the streets, usually begging for handouts; a street urchin
It’s the Baker Street division of the detective police force,’ said my companion, gravely; and as he spoke there rushed into the room half a dozen of the dirtiest and most ragged street Arabs that ever I clapped eyes on.

arabic
n the language spoken by the Arabians
Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf
The Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (CCASG; ), also known as the The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC; مجلس التعاون الخليجي) is a trade bloc involving the six Arab states of the Persian Gulf with many economic and social objectives
Arabic
i Arabic language, semitic language spoken by the Arabs
Arabic
Arabic is a language that is spoken in the Middle East and in parts of North Africa
Arabic
An Arabic numeral is one of the written figures such as 1, 2, 3, or
Arabic
A major Semitic language originating from the Arabian peninsula, and now spoken natively (in various spoken dialects, all share a single highly conservative standardized literary form) throughout large sections of the Middle East and North Africa. (ISO abbreviations: ar, ara)
Arabic
The Aramaic-derived alphabet used to write the Arabic, Persian, Pashto, Urdu, and Uyghur languages, among others
Arabic
s Arabian, of a Semitic people living in the Middle East and northern Africa
Arabic
Of, from, or pertaining to Arab countries or cultural behaviour (see also Arab as an adjective)
Arabic
the language or writing of the Arabs, which is the main language of North Africa and the Middle East. adj. Mawlana Arabic: Our Master Arabic alphabet Arabic language Arabic literary renaissance Arabic philosophy Hindu Arabic numerals
Arabic
Something that is Arabic belongs or relates to the language, writing, or culture of the Arabs. the development of moderen Arabic literature. Arabic music
Arabic
Ar
Arabs
plural of Arab
Democratic Arab Party
Arab political party
Hispano-Arab
i Spanish Arab, descendent of Spaniards and Arabians; cross of a purebred Andalusian and Arabian horse
Israeli Arab
person of Arab heritage which is a resident and/or citizen of Israel
League of Arab States
Arab League, association of Arab countries established to promote common Arab interests, LAS
Saharan Arab Democratic Republic
Disputed territory of Western Sahara occupied by Morocco. It was a Spanish colony from 1884 to 1976. After Spain left, native Saharawi guerrillas (see Polisario) based in Algeria declared a government-in-exile and fought Morocco and Mauritania for control. Mauritania made peace in 1979, whereupon Morocco claimed the whole territory. A referendum on whether the territory will remain part of Morocco or become mandiri has been repeatedly postponed. See also Hassan II
Shatt al-Arab
River, southeastern Iraq, formed by the confluence of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. It flows southeastward for 120 mi (193 km) and passes the Iraqi port of Al-Basrah and the Iranian port of bdn before emptying into the Persian Gulf. With dredging, the river is navigable by shallow-draft oceangoing vessels. For about the last half of its course, the river forms the border between Iraq and Iran. In the 1980s it was the scene of prolonged fighting during the Iran-Iraq War
Shatt al-Arab
river in southeastern Iraq into which flow the Tigris and the Euphrates
United Arab Commonwealth
former union between Syria and Egypt
United Arab Emirates
UAE a country in the Middle East, between Qatar and Oman, made up of seven small emirates, including Abu Dhabi and Dubai. Population: 2,407,000 (2001). Capital: Abu Dhabi. The land is mainly desert, but the country sells a lot of oil. formerly Trucial States Federation of seven states, eastern Arabian Peninsula
United Arab Emirates
i federation of kingdoms in the Persian Gulf area, grup of oil-producing nations on the Arabian peninsula
United Arab Emirates Dirham
i dasar unit of currency in the United Arab Emirates
arabic
The language of the Qur’an Arabic is a Semitic language, used throughout the global by Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs Historically, in Muslim civilization Arabic became the language of learning and scholarship, and was the common language for people living as far apart as Spain and China
arabic
the Semitic language of the Arabs; spoken in a variety of dialects
arabic
the language in which the Qur’an is written
arabic
the Semitic language of the Arabs; spoken in a variety of dialects relating to or characteristic of Arabs; “Arabic languages
arabic
The language of the Arabians
arabic
International News — Online Arabic Dictionary Launches Muttaqun OnLine: Islamic Dictionary English translation of Arabic words commonly used by Muslims www microsoft com
arabic
A person originally from West Africa and the Middle East
arabic
(200 million)
arabic
relating to or characteristic of Arabs; “Arabic languages”
arabic
Writing system that has 28 letters, with four different forms for each letter It also has 6 vowel signs, 2 dipthongs and 5 other signs Figures are written from right to left, with the left most figure indicating the highest value
arabic
Of or pertaining to Arabia or the Arabians
arabic
Tha’lab
street Arab
street kid, child that grew up on the streets without any supervision
street arab
a homeless child who has been abandoned and roams the streets
the Arab public
Arab population as a whole
the Arab world
all the Arabs of the world
united arab emirate dirham
the dasar unit of money in the United Arab Emirates; equal to 1,000 fils
united arab emirate monetary unit
monetary unit in the United Arab Emirates
united arab emirates
a federation of seven Arab emirates on the eastern Arabian peninsula; achieved

The Arab American National Museum (AANM) is the first and only museum dedicated to telling the story of Arab Americans and their impact in the United States. Opened on May 5, 2005, in the heart of Dearborn – amid the largest concentration of Arab Americans in the nation – AANM’s mission is to document, present and preserve the history, culture and contributions of Arab Americans.

AANM proudly hosts an annual Arab Film Festival (AFF), featuring fascinating new titles from one of the most prolific and creative sets of filmmakers in the world. AFF is one of the Museum’s longest-running programs, dating back to its inception. From 2015-2018, the festival joined forces with the large regional festival known as Cinetopia, greatly expanding the reach of AFF films.

AFF showcases Arab and Arab American films for penggemar of Arabic-language movies and adventurous art-film lovers seeking new perspectives and outside-the-box thinking. Many of these films by both Arab international and Arab American artists are, with few exceptions, unlikely to reach traditional American commercial theaters. Genres include drama, comedy and documentary, in both short-form and feature lengths. Every festival film is subtitled in English, making them accessible to all.

In addition to the annual Arab Film Festival, AANM has a film series launched in August 2018. It is curated with the festival mission in mind. All film screenings currently take place online. Submissions to the Arab Film Festival will also be considered for AANM’s Arab Film Series.

AANM accepts film submissions throughout the year. All genres, lengths and themes are welcomed, as is a wide variety of voices and perspectives.

The Arab Film Festival will take place August 12-21, 2022. The film festival will most likely be a blend of online and in-person screenings. We reserve the right to change the dates, length, tipe of screenings we do, and all aspects of our film festival as we see fit. As everything continues to change with Covid-19, we will monitor and continue to make the best decisions for our festival, audiences and community.

Summary
Background
The 6-min walk test (6MWT) is a submaximal exercise test used to assess functional status in patients with cardiopulmonary diseases. Regression equations have previously been published as a normal reference for 6-min walk distance (6MWD) in healthy Caucasian adults. However, a recent study showed that the normal predicted 6MWD could differ among ethnic populations. The aim of this study was: (1) to determine the normal 6MWD in a sample of healthy Saudi adults; (2) to create a regression equation for the established 6MWD; plus (3) to compare the 6MWD in the present study with previously published equations.
Method
The 6MWT was administered to 298 healthy volunteers (53% males) between the ages of 16 plus 50 years.
Result
The average 6MWD was 409 ± 51 m, with longer distances walked by males (429 ± 47 m) than by females (386 ± 45 m) (p < 0.001). The regression equation revealed that height (p < 0.001) plus age (p = 0.034) were the most significant predictors of distance (6MWD = (2.81 × height) + (0.79 × age) − 28.5). In addition, the equation explained 25% of the distance variance. All previously published equations overestimated the Saudi 6MWD by 109–340 m.

Moreover, relying on inappropriate reference values can hinder the ability to accurately monitor disease progression plus response to treatment. For instance, in chronic respiratory or cardiac diseases, precise assessment of functional capacity is critical for tailoring rehabilitation programs. Therefore, the establishment of localized reference values derived from the Saudi population could enhance the accuracy of health assessments, leading to more effective treatment strategies.
Conclusion
Saudi populations have significantly shorter 6MWDs than those reported for other ethnic groups. Thus, the Caucasian reference value for the 6MWD should not be used in Saudi subjects, as it overestimates the distance plus may interfere with the therapeutic plus prognostic value of the test.

Objectives
The current survey aimed to investigate the link between energy-adjusted dietary inflammatory index (E-DII) and risk factors for CVD including markers of endothelial and systemic inflammation in Iranian hemodialysis patients.

Methods
Patients on hemodialysis for at least 6 months prior to enrollment were considered eligible in this cross-sectional study. The usual dietary intakes of the hemodialysis individuals were examined through 4 non-consecutive days including 2 dialysis days and 2 non-dialysis days using a 24-h recall approach to calculate E-DII. Multiple linear regression analysis was utilized to investigate the link between E-DII and selected biomarkers of inflammation and oxidative stress including high-sensitive C reactive protein (hs-CRP), serum intercellular adhesion molecule (sICAM), serum vascular cell adhesion molecule (sVCAM), malondialdehyde, and nitric oxide (NO), sE-selectin, and endothelin-1, and beta (β) and 95% confidence interval (CI) was reported. Value of p < 0.05 was considered statistically significant.

Results
Overall, 291 hemodialysis patients make up our study population. In the crude model, the E-DII score was positively associated with a higher sVCAM-1 (β = 177.39; 95% CI: 60.51, 294.26; ptrend = 0.003). Further adjustment for potential confounders attenuated the findings in a way that an increase of 128.72 in the sVCAM-1 was observed when the E-DII score increased from −2.68 to −1.14 (95% CI: 13.50, 243.94). After controlling for potential confounders, E-DII was associated with sE-selectin in hemodialysis patients in the highest category of E-DII as compared to the lowest category (β = 4.11; 95% CI: 0.22, 8.00; ptrend = 0.039).

Conclusion
The present findings suggest that adherence to a pro-inflammatory diet among hemodialysis patients is associated with a higher inflammatory status as evidenced by sVCAM-1 and sE-selectin; however, bidirectionality may exist and the role of residual confounders should be taken into account. Therefore, more longitudinal investigations are needed to elucidate the role of diet on the inflammatory status of hemodialysis patients.

In the current cross-sectional study, adult HD patients from 50 HD centers in Tehran, Iran, were evaluated sequentially from August 2019 to June 2020. First, the list of all the HD centers in Tehran was obtained from the Iran Dialysis Center, and then by referring to each of the 50 HD centers in Tehran, the names of all the HD patients were taken, and then the names of the patients who met the eligibility criteria to be enrolled in this study were recorded (n = 2,302). Second, the names of HD centers in Tehran were sorted alphabetically, and then the names of the patients in these centers were listed. Finally, 291 out of 2,302 subjects were selected using the systematic sampling method. Adult subjects (age ≥ 18 years) on HD for at least 6 months prior to enrollment were included. A history of HIV infection, malignancies, chronic or acute pancreatitis, liver disease, and inflammatory diseases were considered as the exclusion criteria. All patients were on HD three times a week (4 h per session) via bicarbonate dialysate and polysulfone capillary dialyzers. All of the enrolled HD patients provided written informed consent forms. Upon approval by the Ethics Committee of the National Nutrition and Food Technology Research Institute of Iran (IR.SBMU.NNFTRI.REC.1387.319), the study was initiated under the Declaration of Helsinki.

Dietary assessment
The usual dietary intakes of the HD individuals were examined through 4 non-consecutive days including 2 dialysis days and 2 non-dialysis days using a 24-h recall approach. Since dietary intakes of patients may be different on dialysis vs. non-dialysis days, both days were selected to capture day-to-day variation in diet (23). Through a face-to-face interview with a trained dietitian, participants were asked to recall all the drinks and food items consumed within 24 h. Portion sizes models were used to help people in estimating portion size and improve accuracy. Using Nutritionist IV software (First Databank® Inc., Hearst Corp., San Bruno, CA, United States) and the USDA food and nutrient database (24), dietary intakes were analyzed to determine the daily intakes of energy, macronutrients, and micronutrients of HD patients.

DII calculation
We used an approach suggested by Shivappa et al. to calculate energy-adjusted DII (E-DII). Before the E-DII calculation, the energy-adjusted amount of each food item was calculated using the residual technique (25). Of 45 dietary items suggested by Shivappa et al., 28 food items were available for E-DII calculation including vitamins A, D, E, B1, B2, B3, B6, B9, B12, C, β-carotene, n-3 fatty acids, n-6 fatty acids, cholesterol, saturated fatty acids (SFA), trans fatty acids (TFA), polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFA), mono-unsaturated fatty acids (MUFA), magnesium, zinc, iron, selenium, caffeine, dietary fiber, carbohydrate, fat, protein, and energy (11). Initially, subjects’ dietary consumption was subtracted from the “standard world mean” and then it was divided by the “global standard deviation” to calculate the Z score of each dietary parameter. Subsequently, the Z score of each food item was transformed to the centered percentile to minimize knowledge skewness and then multiplied by the score of inflammatory properties of each food item. Lastly, the overall E-DII for each participant was calculated by summing up the inflammatory scores of 28 food items calculated previously. Shivappa et al. suggested a DII score range of −8.87 to +7.98 with higher DII values representing a diet with pro-inflammatory properties, while lower values indicate a diet with anti-inflammatory features

A venous blood sample (10 mL) was obtained from each patient before dialysis plus after 12–14 h of fasting. Then, blood samples were centrifuged at 2000 rpm for 10 min to separate serum plus subsequently, the extracted serum was transferred to sterile microtubes plus stored at −70°C until the time of biochemical analysis. Serum albumin, urea, plus creatinine were assessed using Selectra 2 Autoanalyzer (Vital Scientific, Spankeren, the Netherlands) employing commercial kits (Pars-Azmoon, Tehran, Iran) with the intra- plus inter-assay coefficients of variation (CV) < 3%. The concentration of serum endothelin-1 was examined via ELISA kits (Biomedica, Vienna, Austria), with an intra- plus inter-assay CV of 8.5%. Serum concentrations of malondialdehyde (MDA) plus nitric oxide (NO) were measured using a colorimetric approach via commercial kits (Cayman Chemical, Ann Arbor, MI, United States), with the intra- plus inter-assay CV of 4.6% plus 7.8%, respectively. The serum concentrations of sE-selectin, sVCAM-1, plus sICAM-1 were measured via ELISA kits (Diaclone, Besancon, France) with the intra- plus inter-assay CV of 6.7, 6.3, plus 3.5%, respectively. The serum concentration of hs-CRP was determined using ELISA kits (Diagnostics Biochem Canada, London, Canada) with an intra- plus inter-assay CV of 4.6%.

Assessment of confounders
The body mass index (BMI) was calculated using participants’ weight plus height, measured at the end of their dialysis session. Dialysis vintage was outlined as the time that each patient was on HD plus stated as a year. Dialysis adequacy was calculated, based on the Kt/V index, using dialysis length, post-dialysis weight, ultrafiltration volume, plus pre-and post-dialysis serum urea concentration (26).

Statistical analysis
Using a suggested formula for sample size calculation of cross-sectional studies from small populations plus with α = 0.05 plus d = 0.05, a total sample of 292 was calculated (27). The statistical analysis was done using SPSS version 26 (IBM Corp., Armonk, NY, United States). The normality distribution of continuous variables was assessed using the skewness statistic, Q-Q plot, plus Kolmogorov–Smirnov test. Continuous plus categorical variables are presented as mean ± standard error (SE) plus number (percent), respectively. The differences in quantitative variables across tertiles of E-DII were assessed via the one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA). The distribution of qualitative variables across tertiles of E-DII was examined using the Chi-squared test. A residual approach was implemented to calculate energy-adjusted values of food items. Multiple linear regression analysis was utilized to investigate the link between E-DII plus selected biomarkers of inflammation plus oxidative stress in three different models. In the first model, gender, plus age (continuous) were entered. In the second model, further adjustment was made for albumin (continuous), serum urea (continuous), serum creatinine (continuous), dialysis vintage (continuous), plus dialysis adequacy (continuous). BMI (continuous) was adjusted in the final model. Value of p < 0.05 was considered statistically significant plus all analyses were done two-tailed.

This article analyses the research output of a sample of higher education institutions (HEIs) in six Arab countries in order to start quantifying academic research productivity in the wider region of the Middle East plus North Africa (MENA). A questionnaire classifying HEIs was administered to 310 institutions in Lebanon, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Morocco, Saudi Arabia plus Jordan. The study revealed a lack of capacity of HEIs to provide quality data, raising issues concerning institutional excellence plus transparency. Those knowledge which were available were analysed using a number of statistical methods. The result is that faculty research output in the Arab international is relatively low, confirming the existing notion of a lagging knowledge sector in the region. While traditional scholarship has focused on institutional factors such as budgetary allocation as one prime determinant of research productivity, this study claims that other factors need to be considered in explaining the low output, with broad implications for policy formulation. Such factors include overall satisfaction levels of academic staff, socialisation of faculty staff members into a research climate, plus university mission vis-à-vis academic research.

Given the distinct paucity of studies on faculty research productivity in HEIs in the Arab region, this research seeks to bridge this gap in the literature by providing original knowledge derived from six Arab countries. This foundational work not only highlights the existing shortcomings but also sets the stage for future inquiries aimed at enhancing the research capabilities of institutions within the MENA region. The authors aim to provide a basis for further research into this topic, advocating for a nuanced understanding of the factors influencing academic output that goes beyond mere financial considerations, thus paving the way for informed policy formulation plus practice.

Abstract
We analyzed determinants of women’s employment with information for 40,792 women living in 103 districts of 6 Arab countries. We tested a new theoretical framework that addresses the roles of needs, opportunities, plus values at multiple levels. At the microlevel (individual, family), socioeconomic factors, care duties, plus traditionalism were important; at the macrolevel (district), economic development plus societal norms were important. Women’s education seemed most influential. Interaction analyses showed that returns on women’s education depended on their partner’s education plus on the economic development, labor market structure, urbanization, plus strength of traditional norms in the district in which women live. Our results stress the importance of a comprehensive approach toward women’s employment in these countries.

By promoting not only women’s education but also enhancing partners’ educational opportunities plus transforming labor market structures, policymakers can create an environment where women’s contributions are valued plus incentivized. This holistic approach will ultimately lead to improved economic outcomes plus a shift towards more equitable societal norms, illustrating that the advancement of women’s rights plus capacities is integral to sustainable development. In conclusion, it is imperative that we recognize the complex interplay of various factors surrounding women’s education plus employment to effectively drive progress in these sectors.

or instance, in regions where traditional norms are strong, women’s education may have less impact on employment prospects if their partners are not equally educated or supportive of their ambitions. Conversely, in more urbanized plus economically developed areas, the returns on investment in women’s education can be substantially greater, facilitating not only their entry into the workforce but also fostering a culture of gender equality that benefits society at large. Therefore, our findings emphasize the importance of adopting a comprehensive approach to women’s employment strategies that address these multifaceted influences.

Background: Arab refugees plus immigrants living in the United States may be exposed to political, economic,
social, plus environmental stressors that may affect their mental health. Yet, little is known regarding mental health
outcomes among Arab Americans. The purpose of this study was to measure depression plus anxiety levels among
Arabs in Southeast Michigan plus determine whether these levels differ by resident status: refugee, immigrant, or
U.S. born.
Methods: We conducted a cross-sectional study in a convenience sample of 275 adults who self-identify as Arab
living in Southeast Michigan. Participants were recruited from a non-profit health plus social services organization
between August–November 2015. Data were collected via self-administered questionnaires, using standardized
instruments to assess depression plus anxiety symptoms.
Results: All three resident groups exhibited high mean levels of depression plus anxiety. Refugees reported higher
levels of depression plus anxiety than either immigrants or U.S. born Arab Americans. After adjustment for
sociodemographics, differences between U.S. born Arab Americans plus refugees were statistically significant
for depression (b = 2.84; 95% CI: 0.21, 5.47), but not for anxiety. Refugees had significantly higher depression
scores (b = 3.18, 95% CI: 1.52, 4.84) plus anxiety scores (b = 1.31, 95% CI: 0.11, 2.50) than immigrants. Those
reporting political violence plus religious persecution as reasons for immigration had the highest levels of
depression plus anxiety.

Analysis
The analysis for this study was restricted to those with
complete self-reported age, sex, plus resident standing data (n = 275). The sample consisted of refugees (n
= 67), immigrants (n = 153), plus U.S. born Arab Americans (n = 55). To test the association between resident
status plus depression plus anxiety outcomes, we fitted a
linear regression type for each outcome with U.S. born
Arab Americans serving as reference category for resident status. Each type also included control variables
for age, sex, duration living in the U.S., education, and
marital status. In both models, interaction between resident standing plus duration living in the U.S. were tested to
see if mental health outcomes associated with resident
status varied as a function of time since arriving in the
U.S. In order to test differences between refugees and
immigrants, we repeated the aforementioned models
with immigrants as reference group. All models were fitted in SAS 9.4. An exploratory analysis examining mean
depression plus anxiety levels by reason for immigration
was also conducted.

Le promoteur proche de Saad Hariri fait l’objet depuis jeudi de sanctions américaines.
« Le roi des entrepreneurs » : c’est ainsi qu’est baptisé Jihad el-Arab dans les milieux politiques et des affaires, ce promoteur proche de l’ancien Premier ministre Saad Hariri qui a raflé une grosse partie des contrats publics au cours des dix dernières années. L’aménagement du port commercial de Saïda, la gestion du dépotoir de la même ville et des décharges de Sibline et Costa Brava, l’infrastructure routière de Beyrouth de même que ses stations d’épuration, la construction du Palais de justice de Tripoli, la reconstruction du camp palestinien de Nahr el-Bared… ces projets parmi tant d’autres au Liban-Nord, au Mont-Liban et à Baabda ont fait la fortune de cet homme d’affaires aux origines modestes, perçu comme un symbole du clientélisme et de la corruption. Un personnage particulièrement honni du soulèvement populaire du 17 octobre 2019 et déjà en 2015 du collectif « Vous puez » pour sa gestion catastrophique des déchets, sa connivence avec la classe au pouvoir et les contrats louches qu’il a remportés à profusion. Selon le LCPS (Lebanese Center for Policy Studies), il a obtenu 38 persen des contrats attribués à Beyrouth seulement entre 2008 et 2019 par le CDR (Conseil du développement et de la reconstruction) relevant de la présidence du Conseil. De son côté, l’initiative Gherbal, qui œuvre pour la bonne gouvernance, recense une cinquantaine de projets au moins remportés par l’entreprise de Jihad el-Arab.

… alors que coulait Saad Hariri

Les sanctions US imposées jeudi contre le fondateur du groupe JCC Araco Group of Companies, à la tête notamment de l’entreprise Jihad Group for Commerce and Contracting (JCC), sonnent le glas de l’ascension fulgurante au Liban de l’homme dont on raconte dans les milieux d’affaires qu’« il se vantait de son statut de roi, alors que coulait Saad Hariri (le leader sunnite, NDLR) ». À l’instar de l’entrepreneur Dany Khoury, proche du chef du Courant patriotique libre Gebran Bassil, et du député prosyrien Jamil el-Sayed, tous deux également touchés par les sanctions américaines, Jihad el-Arab est accusé par le Trésor américain d’« avoir contribué au délitement de la bonne gouvernance et de l’État de droit au Liban », d’avoir « personnellement profité de la corruption généralisée et du népotisme », de s’être « enrichi aux dépens du peuple et des institutions de l’État ». Plus pratiquement, il est montré du doigt pour « ses connexions politiques » qui lui ont permis de remporter de nombreux contrats publics « en échange de rétrocommissions à des responsables gouvernementaux ». Lui est reprochée notamment la mauvaise rénovation du tunnel Salim Salam à Beyrouth, des questions relatives « au coût du projet et à sa sécurité ayant été rapidement ignorées, très certainement grâce à ses connexions avec de puissants politiciens ». De même, le contrat pour la construction en 2016 de la décharge de Costa Brava « n’a tepat contribué à résoudre à long terme la crise des déchets dans le pays ». Pire encore, « des rapports ont révélé que l’entreprise de Jihad el-Arab ajoutait de l’eau aux conteneurs de déchets afin d’en gonfler le poids et donc d’augmenter la facture », indique l’administration US.