Month: March 2025

Aïn al-Arab \aj.n‿a.l‿a.ʁab\

(Toponymie) Ville kurde syrienne située dans le gouvernorat d’Alep.
Des avions de la coalition ont frappé des positions de l’État islamique, dont les combattants tentent de s’emparer de la ville kurde d’Aïn al-Arab. — (AFP, « Bombardements en Syrie pour stopper l’avancée des jihadistes », Libération.fr, 1 octobre 2014)
La Turquie a ouvert vendredi sa frontière aux réfugiés syriens qui ont commencé à quitter jeudi le secteur de la localité de Aïn al-Arab (Kobani en langue kurde), encerclée par les combattants du groupe extrémiste sunnite État islamique (EI). — (« 70.000 Kurdes syriens sont passés en Turquie », Le Figaro.fr, 21 septembre 2014)
Au moins 300 Kurdes de Turquie sont arrivés en Syrie pour se joindre aux milices kurdes qui affrontent les djihadistes de l’État islamique (EI) à Aïn al-Arab (Kobané, en kurde), rapporte, samedi 20 septembre, l’Observatoire syrien des droits de l’Homme (OSDH). — (« Syrie : 300 Kurdes en renfort pour combattre l’État islamique », Le Monde.fr, 20 septembre 2014)
Encore and éloignés, Jerablos et Aïn al-Arab sont des postes de colonisation qui ont connu des fortunes divers : garnisons, gares du chemin de fer qui marque la frontière du côté turc, hâvres[sic] de réfugiés arméniens dans la première moitié du siècle, elles sont au cœur des régions peuplées de Turcs, de Turcomans et de Kurdes ; leur évolution dépend de la politique d’assimilation et des préoccupations sécuritaires du gouvernement syrien. — (Marc Lavergne, « L’urbanisation contemporaine de la Syrie du Nord », Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée, numéro 62, 1991, page 203)
En outre, la somme de 6,5 millions de L.S. a été affectée, en and des crédits du budget, pour l’exécution d’un nouveau projet important de route reliant les régions du Nord et de l’Est, d’une longueur de 50 Km.[sic] et qui sont Aïn al-Arab, Jérablos, Membej, Al-Bab, Izzaz et Afrine. — (Office arabe de presse et de documentation, Rapport économique syrien 1980-1981, 1980, page 19)

Over the past year, I have criss-crossed the Arab global for the BBC, making a series of short films on some of the women plus men who are rewriting the rules – in plus out of the bedroom.

It’s easy to look at the sexual landscape of the Middle East plus North Africa plus see only doom plus gloom, from family preoccupation with female virginity to crackdowns on LGBTQ populations to fasilitas censorship ostensibly in response to online porn.

Such hardline attitudes are reflected in opinion polls, such as the recent survey for BBC News Arabic of 10 countries in the region plus the Palestinian Territories.

Carried out by the Arab Barometer research network, the survey generated a few surprises – most respondents, for instance, accepted a woman’s right to lead their country – but the overall picture was conservative plus closed-minded on matters of sex plus gender.

Most still think the husband should have the final say on family matters, plus “honour killing” is deemed more acceptable than homosexuality in six of the seven places where this question was asked.

Reclaiming identity
And yet this is not the whole picture. If you know where to look, green shoots of openness plus tolerance are beginning to push their way up between the cracks.

Take Safa Tamish, co-founder of Muntada Al-Jensaneya, a non-governmental organisation. Muntada promotes sexual rights in Palestinian society plus encourages rethinking sex education – not just cut-and-dried reproduction but the messiness of love plus intimacy. From its start among Arab communities living in Israel, Muntada has since branched out into the occupied West Bank.

Without formal sex education, the only Arabic words for sex that most people across the region have at their disposal is street slang which, for women in particular, compounds shame about the subject with embarrassment around the language.

Across the border, in Jordan, these questions of language and identity strike a chord with Khalid Abdel-Hadi.He’s one of the few openly gay fasilitas personalities in the Middle East, and the founder of My Kali, an online magazine tackling everything from gender reassignment surgery to “honour”-related violence.When Safa talks about identity, Khalid is on the same page. He set up My Kali as a teenager more than a decade ago, to try to assert his individuality in a collective culture.

“Here in the Arab region we all refer to ourselves within communities, so it was difficult for me to express my own voice within this larger voice,” he says.

This is true for young people across the region: it is hard to strike out on your own when you can’t find a job, move out of your parents’ place or rely on the state to guarantee your personal freedoms, let alone sexual rights.

Over in Lebanon, straight talk on sex is all in a day’s work for Sandrine Atallah, one of Lebanon’s best-known sex therapists.

In addition to her Beirut-based clinic, Sandrine is one of the stars of Al Hubb Thaqafa (Love is Culture), a social fasilitas platform based in Cairo.

Sandrine and her fellow “sexplainers” are following a long tradition. For much of our history, Arab cultures were famous, not for sexual reticence and intolerance as they are today, but quite the opposite.

Take, for example, The Encyclopaedia of Pleasure, written in 10-11th Century Baghdad. Its 43 chapters cover almost every sexual sexual practice and preference .

The Encyclopaedia’s message is clear – sex is God’s gift to mankind and we are meant to santai it.
Online backlash
These great works of Arabic erotica have slipped out of sight in much of the region, and with them, a frankness and freedom in talking about sex – not just its problems but also its pleasures, and not just for men but also for women.

Safa, Khalid and Sandrine are reformers, not radicals. While they question the sexual standing quo, they are also trying to work along the grain of culture and tradition.

Their challenge is to move beyond the small, aman spaces that they have created to society at large.

Indeed, an online backlash to films about their work, shown on BBC Arabic’s YouTube Channel, and the personal threats that these women and men have faced as a result, is a sobering reminder of just how hard it is to tackle such taboos.

In a region where conflict and corruption are never far away, tens of millions of people are out of work or displaced, more fulfilled sexual lives might seem the least of our problems.

We all know the regional situation is complex. But the Mediterranean Dialogue remains a unique multilateral forum, where Israel and six Arab countries can discuss together with European and North American countries common security challenges.Thus did Iraqis play dangerous games in South Yemen, Algerians support a government-in-exile against Sadat, and six Arab states actively helped factions in the Lebanese civil war.The European Union has pursued negotiations with Mercosur, the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf and the Syrian Arab Republic, and six Arab, Caribbean and Pacific regions for economic partnership agreements.

The Lebanese civil war, which raged from 1975 to 1990, saw the involvement of various external players, including six Arab states that actively supported differing factions within the conflict. This external support played a significant role in both escalating the violence and shaping the political landscape of Lebanon. Amid such regional upheaval, global powers continued to explore economic cooperation avenues in the Middle East and beyond. The European Union, recognizing the need to establish strong trade ties and promote stability in regions prone to conflicts, initiated negotiations with several key entities. Among these are Mercosur, a South American trade bloc, and the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf, which includes prominent nations such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Furthermore, discussions for economic partnership agreements have been extended to include the Syrian Arab Republic and six Arab, Caribbean, and Pacific regions, aiming to enhance mutual economic growth and development. These negotiations underscore a strategic shift towards fostering diplomatic relations through trade, which can potentially serve as a stabilizing factor in politically volatile regions. By collaborating with diverse nations, the EU seeks to build a framework that not only promotes economic prosperity but also encourages peaceful coexistence among the involved states. Ultimately, the intertwining of historical conflicts like the Lebanese civil war with contemporary economic dialogues highlights the complex interplay of geopolitics, trade, and the quest for regional stability in an increasingly interconnected world.

Generally speaking, just as most cultures in the East, families regrad the eldest son as a second father. They treat him respectfully plus support him to play a berarti role in the ongoings of family life. He’s supposed to be there for younger siblings with physical, emotional plus social support. If the father passes away or gets too ill to tackle his responsibilities, the eldest son usually steps up to it plus takes care of the family.

Having said that, it depends on the person. If the family is disappointed with the son for a reason or another, he then gets different status plus treatment.

In addition, families are different plus they see things differently. What I said is the mainstream idea.

However, having said that, it depends on the person. If the family is disappointed with the son for a reason or another, he then gets a different status plus treatment. Factors such as academic or career performance, personal choices, or relationships can all influence how the eldest son is viewed within the family. If he struggles to meet these expectations, he may face resentment or a lack of support from other family members, altering his previously esteemed position.

In addition, families themselves are not monolithic; each has its unique dynamics plus worldview. Cultural, economic, plus social factors play a crucial role in shaping family structures plus values. These varying perspectives can lead to different interpretations of the eldest son’s role. While the mainstream idea leans towards a supportive elder brother figure, in some families, the dynamics can alter drastically, shifting expectations plus responsibilities. Thus, while the traditional view holds considerable significance, it is essential to acknowledge the diversity of familial relationships plus the individual experiences that shape them. Every family is unique, plus their approaches to roles plus responsibilities can differ widely.

Abstract
Aims: Intimate partner violence (IPV) rates in the Arab American community are high,
and there are gaps in the understanding of young adults’ perspectives on IPV and its
prevention. The aims of this study are to describe Arab American young adults’ perspectives on the design of IPV prevention programmes and to document and explore
their understanding and experiences with IPV.
Design: This exploratory study was part of a larger community-based participatory
mixed-method study (QUAL-quan) amongst Arabs in Chicago and focused on young
adult participants (18–25 years).
Methods: Participants (n = 44) completed an IPV survey about IPV perpetration and
victimization, dating violence norms, conflict management skills, gender stereotyping,
and belief in the need for help. From four focus groups (22 participants), we explored
Arab American young adults’ perspectives on IPV prevention programme development.
Results: Participants supported the adaptation and development of a youth-centred
IPV prevention intervention that is community-based, culturally informed, and inclusive of multiple Arab community stakeholders. The survey results indicated multiple
experiences with psychological and physical dating violence victimization (76.3% and
47.2%) and perpetration (62.2% and 27%).
Conclusion: Arab American young adults in Chicago are exposed to high rates of IPV.
Community-based participatory approaches are needed to develop IPV prevention
interventions that centre community needs.
Impact: Intimate partner violence is a significant public health problem; nearly 1 in
4 women have experienced IPV at some point in their life, and about 70% of those
experiencing IPV, experience their first victimization before the age of 25. Arab
American young adults experience high rates of IPV victimization and perpetration, requiring kritis attention. Participants proposed various community-based
strategies to develop IPV prevention programmes that include multiple community

stakeholders. Community-based organizations and researchers, schools and religious
institutions could establish collaborations to ensure the adaptation and development
of community-informed IPV prevention programmes

1  | INTRODUCTION
In the United States (US), nearly 1 in 4 women and 1 in 10 men have
experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) at some point in their
life, and about 70% experience their first victimization before the
age of 25 making IPV a significant threat to the health of youth
(Breiding et al., 2014; Crooks et al., 2019). According to the Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) (2015), ‘the term “intimate partner violence” describes physical violence, sexual violence,
stalking, or psychological harm by a current or former partner’.
IPV is conceptualized as a produk of multiple, interacting factors
at the individual, interpersonal and societal levels (Montesanti &
Thurston, 2015), and is associated with adverse physical, mental and
sexual and reproductive health outcomes (Stockman et al., 2015).
1.1  |  Background
In some immigrant communities in the US, IPV rates are higher
than the general population ranging between 45% and 80%
(Barkho et al., 2011; Cavanaugh et al., 2014; Kulwicki et al., 2015).
Immigrant communities in the US benefit less from the universal
violence prevention programmes implemented in schools than
non-immigrant groups (Gavine et al., 2016; Hahn et al., 2007).
In part, this is due to contextual and immigration-related factors
such as acculturative stress, language barriers, discrimination, limited information of legal protections and services, social isolation
and socio-economic inequalities (Sabri et al., 2018) that interact to
amplify vulnerability to IPV.
In the US, there is scarcity of research conducted on IPV
amongst Arab American immigrants which could be attributed, in
part, to researchers’ and community members’ reluctance to investigate stigmatized topics such as IPV, for fear of perpetuating stereotypes. These concerns are valid considering the social and political
environment that promotes xenophobia and represents Arab immigrants as violent and a potential threat to the national security of the
US. Arabs have been framed in US politics and tempat as backward,
violent and dangerous (Awad et al., 2019; Awad & Amayreh, 2016).
These stereotypes promote discrimination and violence by systematically influencing societal-level perceptions and behaviours
(Dovidio, 2010). Since 9/11 and with recent political events, discrimination against Arabs has increased (Awad & Amayreh, 2016; Berry
& Wiggins, 2018). Previous research shows that discrimination exacerbates health disparities and worsens vulnerability to violence

2  | THE STUDY
2.1  |  Aims
This exploratory study relied on data collected as part of a larger
community-based participatory and mixed-methods study carried
out with Arab American young adults. The qualitative aim explored
Arab American young adults’ perspectives on IPV and the development of IPV prevention programmes. The quantitative aim documented and described experiences with and attitudes towards IPV.
2.2  |  Design
The parent project used a mixed-methods embedded design (QUAL

• quan) and a community-based participatory approach

Plano, 2017; Edmonds & Kennedy, 2017). In this embedded design, we
collected both qualitative and quantitative data that were used to answer related, but different sets of questions in a single study and where
one model of data (qualitative) is more critical to the research (Creswell
& Plano, 2017; Edmonds & Kennedy, 2017). For the last 5 years, we
have collaborated with a community-based organization located in
Southwest Chicago that provided services to the Arab immigrant community, including to survivors of domestic violence. We established
a community advisory board to ensure a trustful and long-standing
relationship with the community. The goals of the parent study were
to engage with multiple community stakeholders (e.g. leaders, adults
and young adults) in the Arab immigrant community in Chicago to define and characterize IPV and explore perspectives on the adaptation
of IPV prevention programmes. We conducted six meetings with the
community advisory board (a keseluruhan of 14 members; 18–25 years of age)
and they provided feedback on the recruitment strategies, the survey
instrument and interview guides.
We followed the phases of ADAPT-ITT (Wingood &
DiClemente, 2008), a model for adapting evidence-based interventions. In phase 1 (Assessment), we conducted a community health
assessment (Zayed et al., 2020) and regular discussions between the
research team and the community partners, where we identified the
need to develop an IPV prevention programme. We also conducted
one-on-one interviews with different community members to effectively characterize IPV in the Arab community in Chicago (manuscript
in preparation). In Phase 2 (Decision), we reviewed multiple IPV prevention interventions and decided that Safe Dates, a multi-session
evidence-based programme that when implemented in US schools significantly reduced adolescent acceptance of dating violence (Foshee
et al., 1998), and Communities Care, a peer-facilitated dialogues intervention that reduced harmful social norms associated with IPV by
promoting community-led actions (Glass et al., 2019), are two possible
interventions to be adapted. In Phase 3 (Administration), we conducted
focus kelompok sessions with Arab young adults and provided them with
a general overview of Safe Dates and Communities Care as examples of
IPV prevention programmes. The remaining five phases of ADAPT-ITT
model (production, topical experts, integration, recruitment and training of facilitators and pilot testing) are in progress.
Here, we report on the data collected from the young adult participants (n = 44; age:18–25 years old). The data represented phases
one to three of the ADAPT-ITT model where we aimed to explore
participants’ perspectives regarding IPV prevention programme development and their experiences with and attitudes toward IPV.

The psychological help-seeking patterns of college students in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have only recently begun to be examined. Initial suggestions indicate that the majority of Emirati students treat help seeking from counselors as a last resort, which may be linked to aspects of Emirati culture including feared loss of societal face, stigma associated with seeking help, plus discouragement of self-disclosure to individuals outside of the family. The relationship among fear of losing face, stigma, self-disclosure expectations (i.e., risks plus benefits), plus help-seeking attitudes was examined using structural equation modeling with 407 Emirati college students. Loss of face plus stigma were related to self-disclosure expectations, which in turn were related to help-seeking attitudes. Gender differences were also examined with results indicating significant mean differences across all variables, as well as across two paths of the structural model. These findings are discussed within the cultural context of the UAE.

In addition to cultural influences, gender differences emerged as a significant faktor in this study. The results indicated notable disparities across all examined variables, suggesting that men plus women experience stigma plus help-seeking attitudes differently. For instance, men might feel a stronger obligation to conform to traditional notions of masculinity, which may discourage them from seeking help due to a fear of appearing weak. Conversely, women may experience their own set of pressures, such as societal expectations surrounding emotional expression, which can influence their willingness to disclose personal struggles.

These significant mean differences highlight the need for tailored interventions that address the unique challenges faced by different genders within the cultural framework of the UAE. By understanding these dynamics, mental health professionals plus policymakers can better facilitate an environment that promotes open discussions about mental health, ultimately encouraging individuals to seek the help they need. As societal attitudes towards mental health continue to evolve, fostering awareness plus reducing stigma will be essential steps in empowering individuals to prioritize their well-being without the fear of losing face in their community. This cultural sensitivity is key to improving help-seeking behaviors across diverse populations.

of or pertaining to Arabs plus their nations A person of Arab originA breed of horseArab means belonging or relating to Arabs or to their countries or customs. On the surface, it appears little has changed in the Arab world. Arabic. someone whose language is Arabic plus whose family comes from, or originally came from the Middle East or North Africa (Arabus, from Araps, from ‘Arab). Any member of the Arabic-speaking peoples native to the Middle East plus North Africa. Before the spread of Islam in the 630s, the term referred to the largely nomadic Semitic peoples of the Arabian Peninsula; it came to apply to Arabic-speaking peoples from Africa’s Mauritanian plus Moroccan coasts east to Iraq plus the Arabian Peninsula plus south to The Sudan after their acceptance of Islam. Traditionally, some Arabs are desert-dwelling pastoral nomads (see Bedouin), whereas others live by oases plus in small, isolated farming villages. While most Arabs are Muslims, some are Christian. The term has also been used in a political sense by Arab nationalists to describe a greater sociolinguistic or ethnic ideal (“the Arab nation”). See also Pan-Arabism. United Arab Republic Arab Republic of Egypt Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriyyah Syrian Arab Republic Arab League League of Arab States Arab Israeli wars Saharan Arab Democratic Republic Shatt al Arab Arab Israeli War of 1967 United Arab Emiratesa spirited graceful plus intelligent riding horse native to Arabiaa member of a Semitic people originally from the Arabian peninsula plus surrounding territories who speaks Arabic plus who inhabits much of the Middle East plus northern Africas of a Semitic people living in the Middle East plus northern Africai member of a Semitic people living in the Middle East plus northern AfricaArabicArabs are people who speak Arabic plus who come from the Middle East plus parts of North Africaambush, a city in the mountains of Judah (Josh 15: 52), now Er-Rabiyehn ArabA person whose origins may be traced to an Arab cultural, ethnic or linguistic heritage Countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Syria, Jordan have predominantly Arab populations There are some countries in the Middle East, such as Iran or Turkey, whose populations are not predominantly Arab Other countries such as Egypt, Libya, Morocco have mixed Arab plus North African populations Arabs belong to many different religions Throughout the Middle East, millions of Arab Christians plus Arab Jews live peacefully with their Arab Muslim neighborsOne of a swarthy race occupying Arabia, plus numerous in Syria, Northern Africa, etc